The death of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and several top military officials in the first 24 hours of the US-Israeli operation dealt the Islamic Republic an extraordinary blow. Alongside Khamenei, who had ruled the country since 1989, IRGC commander Mohammad Pakpour, Chief of Staff Abdol-Rahim Mousavi, Defense Minister Aziz Nasirzadeh and other senior figures were killed.
During Khamenei’s decades in power, Iran saw tighter religious censorship, broader restrictions on free speech, and persecution of journalists, human rights defenders and the opposition. Mass protests, from student demonstrations in the late 1990s to the waves of unrest in 2009, 2019 and 2022, were crushed by force. According to the article, sanctions, conflict with the West and the nuclear program deepened inflation, currency collapse and unemployment.
Against that backdrop, spontaneous rallies by Iranian emigrants took place in European cities under the flag of pre-revolutionary Iran. At the same time, inside Iran, the newspaper writes, mourning processions have coincided with celebrations over the leader’s death. Still, sources stress that the elimination of Khamenei and his inner circle may be only the first step toward change, not a guarantee of it.
Life under the regime
Saeed, an analyst at a German university who moved to Germany two years ago, said he had lived his entire life under Khamenei’s rule. As a child, shaped by the religious ideology taught at school, he viewed the leader positively, but later changed his mind.
“When I grew up, at around 15, I realized he was a villain. And I know many people who loved him, but later, when they got older, understood there was nothing to love him for,” Saeed says.
He says his family had always been skeptical of the regime, but for a long time placed its hopes in reform. After moving to Tehran, he supported reformists who advocated gradual constitutional change and openness to the world. The turning point, in his view, was the 2009 election, which he believes was openly rigged, leading to deep disillusionment.
Saeed later built an ordinary urban life: he got an education, worked as a data analyst, married and bought a home. But even with a good income, he says, inflation made long-term planning impossible, while most Iranians lived in far harsher conditions. In his assessment, the economic crisis became one of the main drivers of protest.
The day before the interview, Saeed managed to contact relatives despite internet restrictions. According to him, many were glad Khamenei was dead, even as Tehran was under bombardment and people were fleeing to the north of the country. While the military operation continues, he does not expect mass protests, but believes the regime is closer to collapse than at any time in many years.